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Metal Machine Music

bybathory
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São Paulo, 1986.

Brazil has recently emerged from two decades of military dictatorship. Its largest industrial metropolis is experiencing political change, economic instability, and the development of increasingly diverse independent music scenes.

Punk rock, post-punk, hardcore, experimental music, and heavy metal have established overlapping but often socially distinct communities. University students, industrial workers, unemployed youths, independent artists, and aspiring musicians participate in these cultures for different reasons.

In the aging neighborhoods surrounding central São Paulo, two inexpensive music clubs have acquired peculiar reputations.

Metal Machine Music (MMM) is an experimental music club that has become an unofficial dumping ground for musicians who cannot find anywhere else to perform.

Ronald Reagan (RG) is ostensibly a hardcore punk club that has gradually transformed into a gathering place for the city's most obscure, extreme, and disreputable metal bands.

Metal Machine Music is owned and operated by Mariana, 36, while Ronald Reagan is owned and operated by Renata, 35.

Neither Mariana nor Renata runs a particularly successful business. Both women have sacrificed years of their lives to establishments that barely generate enough money to remain open.

Their clubs share one defining characteristic: they are places where people are considerably more interested in making music than in listening to it.

Both establishments exist within the wider underground culture of São Paulo. Venues such as Madame Satã, Carbono 14, and the recently closed Napalm form part of the city's alternative music history. The experimental rock and post-punk scenes around the University of São Paulo coexist with hardcore cultures originating in industrial and working-class neighborhoods.

Meanwhile, the independent heavy metal scene is expanding throughout Brazil, with Belo Horizonte becoming especially important to the development of extreme metal.

MMM and RG belong to this wider environment but are distinguished by their unusually permissive booking practices. They are not prestigious institutions. They attract performers who have been excluded from more established venues, have failed to secure professional opportunities, or prefer to remain outside conventional music careers.

MMM and RG occupy an unusual position in São Paulo's underground music culture. They are not important because every musician performing there is exceptional.

Many are technically incompetent, artistically derivative, or simply uninteresting. Some are genuinely innovative but incapable of realizing their ideas. Others are extraordinary performers who have no desire to pursue professional music careers. A few acquire exaggerated local reputations through their personalities rather than their musical accomplishments.

However, the constant interaction between these individuals produces occasional results of remarkable originality. An improvised performance may combine musical practices that ordinarily develop in complete isolation from one another. An amateur composer may produce something extraordinary by accident. A technically gifted musician may influence dozens of other performers without ever recording a commercial album.

Most such events are witnessed by only a handful of people. Many are never recorded. Others survive on poorly labeled cassettes, passed from one listener to another until the identities of the original performers are forgotten.

It is entirely possible that some of these recordings will eventually be rediscovered, attracting considerable attention from collectors, historians, and experimental music enthusiasts. It is equally possible that the most important performances will disappear without leaving any verifiable evidence.

For the people involved, however, none of this is especially important in 1986. They are not particularly concerned with their future place in music history. They are interested in finding somewhere to perform tonight.

Somewhere within these shabby rooms, something extraordinary may be happening.

Almost certainly, nobody is paying attention.

METAL MACHINE MUSIC (MMM)

Name: Metal Machine Music

Abbreviation: MMM

Location: Bixiga, Bela Vista, São Paulo, near Rua Conselheiro Ramalho and Rua Treze de Maio.

Established: 1982

Type: Independent live music venue, rehearsal space, and informal experimental music workshop.

Capacity: Approximately 60–80 people.

Owner: Mariana (36)

Principal genres: Post-punk, art punk, no wave, hardcore punk, noise rock, free improvisation, experimental rock, industrial music, avant-garde jazz, tape music, and miscellaneous forms of experimental music.

Reputation: São Paulo's unofficial music garbage dump.

Premises: MMM occupies a deteriorating ground-floor commercial space in an older building.

The interior is cramped, poorly ventilated, and furnished almost entirely with secondhand equipment. Its modest stage consists of a low wooden platform, while the sound system is an unreliable assortment of donated or repaired amplifiers and speakers.

Posters, handwritten schedules, political stickers, and miscellaneous decorations cover the walls. The rear rooms contain spare instruments, recording equipment, broken furniture, and belongings left behind by regular visitors.

Mariana effectively lives on the premises, having sacrificed most of her personal life to keep the establishment operating.

Music and Performances: MMM has no consistent musical identity.

An evening might begin with an experimental composition performed by university students, continue with a hardcore punk band, and conclude with several musicians improvising over damaged tape recordings.

Some performers are technically accomplished. Others cannot read music or adequately play their instruments. Musical competence is neither a requirement for participation nor a reliable indicator of a performer's reputation.

The distinction between performers and spectators is similarly unstable. Most people in the audience are musicians waiting for their own performances, supporting friends, or hoping to participate.

Spontaneous collaborations occur regularly, sometimes involving musicians who have never previously met. Many such performances are never repeated. The club consequently produces an enormous amount of original music, most of which exists only for the duration of the performance itself.

Community: MMM attracts an unusually heterogeneous collection of people. Regular participants include university students, working-class punks, unemployed musicians, amateur composers, visual artists, independent filmmakers, experimental performers, and occasional homeless individuals.

Economy and Management: MMM survives through an improvised mixture of rehearsal-room rentals, small performance fees, entrance charges, equipment lending, and occasional donations.

University students willing to pay for rehearsal or performance space provide a particularly important source of revenue. Musicians without money may receive performance opportunities in exchange for cleaning, repairs, or assistance with the club's operation. Mariana performs much of the administrative work herself, while regulars help maintain equipment and organize performances.

MMM is perpetually close to financial collapse. Mariana earns very little and frequently threatens to close the business.

Distinctive Characteristics: MMM's defining characteristic is its almost complete indifference to musical classification.

Nobody is particularly surprised when an experimental jazz musician joins a punk band or when a metal drummer begins performing with an avant-garde composer.

The club also supports an informal culture of cassette recording and experimentation. Audience recordings, tape loops, accidental feedback, and mechanically altered recordings frequently become the raw material for new compositions.

Most participants do not understand their activities in terms of established avant-garde movements. They are simply interested in discovering unusual sounds.

RONALD REAGAN (RG)

Name: Ronald Reagan

Abbreviation: Reagon, RG

Location: Vila Buarque, São Paulo, near Rua Marquês de Itu.

Established: 1983

Type: Independent hardcore punk and heavy metal club, inexpensive bar, and underground performance venue.

Capacity: Approximately 100–120 people.

Owner: Renata (35)

Principal genres: Hardcore punk, crossover thrash, speed metal, thrash metal, early death metal, first-wave black metal, and miscellaneous extreme metal.

Reputation: A gathering place for metal bands too obscure, incompetent, extreme, or troublesome to perform elsewhere.

Premises: RG occupies a converted bar in Vila Buarque.

The interior includes a small stage, a crowded bar, inexpensive tables and chairs, and a modest collection of battered amplification equipment. Walls are decorated with band posters, political slogans, amateur artwork, and numerous references to satanic imagery. The latter decorations are largely the work of the club's metal regulars rather than Renata.

The atmosphere is loud, smoky, argumentative, and occasionally violent. Unlike MMM, RG has a relatively substantial population of regular customers who visit primarily to drink and listen to heavy music.

Music and Performances: RG's musical identity has increasingly shifted toward extreme metal.

The club attracts musicians influenced by Motörhead, Venom, Metallica, Slayer, Hellhammer, Celtic Frost, Bathory, and the emerging death metal scene. Many of these musicians possess only fragmentary knowledge of international developments, acquired through imported records, copied cassettes, fanzines, and correspondence with foreign tape traders.

Bands combine speed metal, thrash, hardcore punk, and primitive death metal while arguing passionately over whether their music should be considered black metal, death metal, or something entirely different.

A small contingent of self-proclaimed black metal purists has become particularly notorious. These musicians maintain elaborate theories about the authenticity of extreme metal despite the fact that their chosen genre has barely developed a consistent musical definition. Some embrace deliberately crude recording techniques, while others produce exceptionally poor recordings and subsequently declare their deficiencies intentional.

RG also functions as an important meeting place for musicians from other Brazilian cities, particularly the developing extreme metal scene of Belo Horizonte.

Politics and Subcultures: Renata, a communist, supports DIY ethics, anti-imperialism, working-class solidarity, and voluntary sobriety.

However, the club's hardcore punk community includes a conspicuous conservative minority. Some musicians embrace nationalism, anti-communism, and the aggressive working-class masculinity associated with certain strands of hardcore culture.

Conversely, a substantial faction of the club's metal musicians identifies with left-wing politics. Anti-war, anti-nuclear, anti-imperialist, and anti-capitalist themes appear in the lyrics of several thrash and death metal bands.

Others are politically indifferent, while the satanic imagery favored by certain black metal musicians often expresses hostility toward organized religion rather than a coherent political ideology.

These tendencies are peculiarities of RG's community, not a universal division between punk and metal.

Renata tolerates political disagreement but is considerably less accommodating toward intimidation, racist violence, or conduct that threatens the club's continued operation.

Economy and Management: Renata originally intended to run a largely alcohol-free hardcore venue. She hoped to encourage a music culture organized around sobriety, independent production, and collective participation.

Unfortunately, coffee and tea proved insufficient to support the business. The growing population of metalheads demonstrated an overwhelming preference for beer.

After considerable resistance, she began selling alcohol. Beer sales now provide the establishment's principal source of income.

Renata regards the arrangement as an ideological embarrassment but recognizes that alcohol sales help finance performances by musicians who otherwise have nowhere to play. RG consequently operates as an inexpensive metal bar with a permanent live music program.

Musical Exchange

One of the most distinctive aspects of the relationship is the informal circulation of recorded sound. Several MMM musicians regularly attend RG performances to record the music on portable cassette machines, sometimes without permission. These recordings are subsequently manipulated through tape looping, speed alteration, overdubbing, and repeated copying.

Fragments of thrash guitar, extreme metal percussion, and distorted vocals are transformed into experimental compositions bearing little resemblance to their sources. Such practices occasionally provoke disputes over ownership and artistic legitimacy.

RG musicians sometimes accuse MMM performers of stealing their music. Other musicians enthusiastically adopt the resulting sounds and incorporate them into their own performances. The consequences are often circular.

A metal band's live performance becomes the source of an experimental tape composition. The band subsequently uses that composition as an introduction to a new song, which is recorded and manipulated again by the original experimenter. Neither side necessarily understands the process in terms of musical appropriation, conceptual art, or the history of electroacoustic composition. They are just discovering sounds that they enjoy.

Social Composition

Both clubs attract musicians from different social backgrounds, although their communities have different centers of gravity.

MMM is particularly associated with university students, experimental artists, and impoverished musicians.

RG is more strongly associated with working-class punks, metalheads, and musicians from São Paulo's industrial suburbs.

Middle-class collectors and students frequent RG, while MMM accommodates workers, unemployed youths, and people living in precarious housing.

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